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The Case for Drinking Alcohol

Coleman Hughes published 2026-04-27 added 2026-05-01 score 8/10
alcohol anthropology history china philosophy social-science public-health ritual drugs
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ELI5/TLDR

Edward Slingerland, a philosopher of early Chinese thought who somehow ended up writing the leading defense of alcohol, argues we have been talking about drinking wrong. The medical lens — alcohol is a net-negative addictive substance — is correct but partial. It misses the part where ethanol has been our species’ main social technology for at least 13,000 years, possibly the reason we settled down to do agriculture in the first place. The real problem isn’t alcohol itself but the combination of two recent inventions: distilled liquor and the disappearance of the cultural rituals that used to chaperone drinking.

The Full Story

How a sinologist ended up writing the alcohol book

Slingerland’s day job is early Chinese thought — Confucianism, Daoism, the period 600 to 300 BCE. His first book was about a paradox the Chinese kept circling: how do you consciously make yourself relaxed and spontaneous, when the conscious effort to relax is itself the thing tensing you up? The Chinese called the desired state wu wei — effortless action, the sports “zone,” everything-clicks. The thinkers offered behavioural workarounds: rituals, breathing, sitting a certain way. But one passage describes a drunk falling out of a cart and not getting hurt, because his body never tensed. The metaphor is supposed to be about being drunk on heaven. Slingerland noticed it works just as well for being drunk on wine.

“It’s a chemical shortcut to this state… You can’t consciously make yourself relax on a first date. If you sit there and drink a glass of wine with your date, gradually the ethanol is going to go in and do that relaxation for you.”

That’s the bridge from Chinese philosophy to Drunk: alcohol as a workaround for a cognitive paradox the prefrontal cortex creates.

Beer before bread

The straight version of the agricultural revolution is: humans figured out farming so they could eat better. The version Slingerland finds more plausible — the “beer before bread” hypothesis — flips the order. The first cultivated crops, around the world, were chosen for their psychoactive properties, not their nutrition.

The evidence comes from places like Göbekli Tepe in modern-day Turkey, a 10-12,000-year-old monumental ritual site built by hunter-gatherers who hadn’t yet invented agriculture but who had giant vats, gazelle bones piled up from feasting, and clear signs of large-scale brewing. In Mesoamerica, the wild ancestor of corn — teosinte — has kernels so small you wouldn’t bother farming it for food. But its stalk is starchy and sugary, perfect for fermenting chicha. In North America, the first cultivated crop was tobacco, much stronger than the modern version, almost certainly smoked with hallucinogens. The pattern: humans settled down to get high, and discovered along the way that they could also eat the harvest.

Two safety features, both now broken

For most of human history, alcohol came with two built-in guardrails.

The first was a hard ceiling on potency. Yeast turn sugars into ethanol as a form of biological warfare against bacteria, but they aren’t infinitely tolerant of their own weapon — they shut down at around 16 percent ABV. So a naturally fermented beverage maxes out at the strength of a heavy Australian Shiraz. For most of history, what people actually drank was 2-3 percent beer. You could drink it all day and never get past the 0.08 blood-alcohol point — which, conveniently, is roughly where the social benefits of alcohol peak before the harms take over.

Distillation breaks that ceiling. The technology has been known forever — Aristotle wrote about it, the Chinese and Islamic worlds knew it — but doing it at scale needs decent metallurgy and temperature control, which the West didn’t really have until the 1600s. Slingerland’s argument is that distilled liquor should be thought of as a different drug from beer and wine, even though the active ingredient is the same. The dose makes the poison. He uses the same logic Hughes brings up about cannabis: a 60s joint and a modern edible are technically the same drug, practically not.

“It creates this much more dangerous form of alcohol… it’s a qualitatively more dangerous drug than naturally fermented beers and wines are.”

The second safety feature was communal ritual. You drank in public, in mixed groups, surrounded by social rules about pace and quantity. The closest modern survival is what anthropologists call southern drinking culture — the Italian/Spanish/Greek pattern. You drink with food at the meal table, in a group spanning grandparents to kids, twice a day. Glasses don’t leave the table. Visible drunkenness is shameful. Slingerland tells a story about pouring himself a glass of wine after dinner in Italy and trying to take it upstairs to his bedroom to take notes. The Italian relatives looked at him as if he were an alcoholic. He never did it again.

“What the f___ are you doing? Are you an alcoholic? Why would you take wine up to your room with you?”

Northern drinking culture — Britain, the U.S., much of northern Europe — is the inverse. Distilled liquor, single-sex groups, shots, the explicit goal being drunkenness, kids excluded so it becomes an adult taboo. Slingerland is blunt: this is the pattern that produces alcoholism, violence, and the social disasters of binge drinking. The U.S. inherited it from Britain. American Prohibition was, tellingly, mostly a war on whiskey and gin and saloon culture, not on a glass of wine with dinner.

The tribes that never got the manual

The clearest case of alcohol being unambiguously catastrophic is the indigenous communities of Australia and the Americas — places where, before European contact, alcohol either didn’t exist or wasn’t culturally central. Slingerland thinks part of it might be genetic — populations that drank for millennia developed enzymes to detoxify ethanol — but the dominant cause is cultural. You take a society, kill 75 percent of the population with smallpox, destroy its social networks, and then hand the survivors the strongest form of alcohol ever invented with no inherited rituals to manage it. The same pattern repeats with kava — a Pacific intoxicant that’s used safely where it’s traditional, abused badly when it travels to Aboriginal communities in Australia. The drug isn’t the problem. The drug without the cultural manual is.

Why young people are drinking less

Gen Z drinks substantially less than millennials, who drank less than Gen X. Slingerland thinks this is a mix of three things. One is public-health messaging that has shifted, in maybe a decade, from “two glasses of red wine is good for your heart” to portraying alcohol the way nicotine used to be portrayed. Two is fashion — cannabis is legal, microdosing psilocybin is a thing, alcohol just isn’t the cool drug anymore. Three, and the part that worries him, is that young people are drinking less because they’re socializing less, full stop. They’re more anxious, more depressed, more solitary, having less sex, glued to their phones. The pandemic punched the trend forward. Drinking less is a symptom of a broader disconnection, not a triumph of self-care.

Islam, Mormons, and the cost of saying no

If alcohol is so functionally useful, what about the cultures that ban it? Slingerland is fair-minded here. Historically, Islamic relationship with alcohol has been more complicated than the modern frame — the world’s best wine poetry comes from Islamic Persia. But the prohibition itself, he thinks, is a cultural marker invented at the edges of a wine-soaked Mediterranean: we are not those people. There’s a concept from cognitive science of religion called costly signaling — giving up something pleasurable proves your commitment to the group. No pork, no alcohol, no coffee. The cost is real (you lose the social-lubricant and creativity boost), but the gain in solidarity and group cohesion is meant to outweigh it.

Sober-ish substitutes

Hughes asks about hangover cures. Slingerland’s first response is that a hangover means you broke the southern-drinking rules. He hasn’t tried the products, but he has tried Sentia, a not-quite-alcohol drink developed by David Nutt — the U.K. health official who was famously fired for pointing out, with evidence, that alcohol was more dangerous than LSD. Sentia tries to reproduce the mouth-feel and some of the cognitive effects without the addictive load. Slingerland’s measured verdict: alcohol is more fun, but tools like this and good non-alcoholic beer are useful for shifting the after-dinner drink from “more ethanol” to “same ritual, less ethanol.”

Key Takeaways

  • Naturally fermented alcohol caps at ~16-17% ABV because yeast can’t survive their own ethanol. Distillation broke that ceiling and is, functionally, a different drug.
  • The “beer before bread” hypothesis: the first cultivated crops worldwide were chosen for psychoactive effect, not nutrition (teosinte for chicha in Mesoamerica, tobacco in North America, brewing grains at Göbekli Tepe).
  • Direct chemical evidence of human-made alcoholic beverages goes back ~13,000 years (Israel); ritual drinking imagery goes back ~20,000.
  • Two historical safety features for alcohol — low natural ABV and communal ritual drinking — both eroded recently. The first by distillation (industrialised in the West around the 1600s), the second by the spread of single-sex, shot-based “northern” drinking culture.
  • Roughly 15% of the population has a genetic propensity to alcohol use disorder.
  • Indigenous alcoholism in the Americas and Australia is best explained as an absence of inherited ritual scaffolding plus distilled liquor arriving alongside colonisation, not the substance itself.
  • Gen Z is drinking less for three reasons: shifted public health messaging, alcohol becoming culturally uncool relative to cannabis, and — most worryingly — overall social disconnection (phones, post-pandemic atrophy of social skills).
  • The Hobbes/Rousseau debate about whether human nature is good or bad has a Confucian analogue 1,000+ years earlier: Mencius (good, agricultural metaphors of growth) versus Xunzi (bad, metaphors of carving and bending crooked wood straight).
  • Chinese civilisational continuity owes a lot to its non-phonetic writing system: spoken Chinese drifted, but characters held the culture together across regions and centuries the way alphabets cannot.

Claude’s Take

Slingerland is doing what good academics rarely do, which is take an intuition most adults already have — that drinking together has been quietly load-bearing for human civilization — and assemble the archaeology, biochemistry, and anthropology to show why the intuition isn’t just rationalisation. The “beer before bread” line is provocative but he’s careful with it; the framing is “this is a serious archaeological hypothesis, not a settled fact.”

Where the BS filter pings: the health-science claims are necessarily soft. Slingerland concedes that the medical consensus has shifted from “moderate drinking is protective” to “any alcohol is net-negative” within five years, which should make any sensible listener weight specific physiological claims lightly. The “alcohol increases endorphin and serotonin and lowers barriers to trust” descriptions are directionally correct but compress a lot of contested mechanisms into reassuring language. The 15% alcohol-use-disorder genetic predisposition figure is roughly right but is a one-line summary of a complicated polygenic story.

The strongest part of the argument is the structural one: distilled liquor and the loss of ritual chaperones are the real change, not alcohol itself. That holds up well against everything we know about how indigenous communities, college towns, and Russia got destroyed by drink. The southern-vs-northern drinking culture frame is a clean, useful distinction that doesn’t require believing any specific health claim — it’s about behaviour and norms, not about whether wine is good for your heart.

The genuinely important point, easy to miss: a lot of the recent decline in young drinking is not a public-health win. It’s downstream of social atrophy. Replacing bar nights with phones is a worse trade than replacing them with mocktails. Score 8 — careful, well-sourced, and the cultural-frame argument is durable even where the biology is shaky.

Further Reading

  • Edward Slingerland, Drunk: How We Sipped, Danced, and Stumbled Our Way to Civilization — the source book for this conversation.
  • Edward Slingerland, Trying Not to Try — his earlier book on the Chinese paradox of effortless action (wu wei).
  • David Nutt’s work on relative drug harms, including the paper that got him fired as the U.K.’s top drugs adviser, ranking alcohol as more harmful than LSD or cannabis.
  • Mencius and Xunzi — the two Confucian thinkers Slingerland places against Hobbes and Rousseau in the human-nature debate.
  • The “beer before bread” hypothesis in archaeology, especially the Göbekli Tepe finds (Brian Hayden’s work is a useful entry point).